ers on both sides used to be schoolmates and close friends who know one another well，其中后半部分缺乏逻辑性。现改译为leaders from both sides will find it easer to talk the matter over since they know each other well, having formerly been schoolmates and close friends。
(18)“应天下为公，以国家民族利益为最高准则”意即“应一心为公，以国家民族利益高于
一切”，故英译为should be public-minded and put the interests of the country and the nation above all。原译为should bear in mind the public interests of the country and the nation, and use this as the
supreme criterion，与原文意思有出入，原因是对原文理解仅限于某些字面。
(19)“识者皆以为太不现实，未免自欺欺人”译为are regarded by all thinking people as
unrealistic, deceptive and ostrich-like，其中thinking people意即“有见解的人”；ostrichlike本来的意思是“鸵鸟般的”或“藏头露尾的”现作“自欺的”解。
(20)“偏安之局”的意思为“偏据一方以自安”，故译为content as you are with your present rule
over the tight eastern corner。
(21)“有识之士，虑已及此”意即“有头脑的人都已经为此担忧”。原译为this is a question
those who are sensible are already turning over in their minds。现改译为This is a question already on the minds of thinking people。
(22)“事关国民党兴亡绝续”的原译为It involves the survival and development of the
Kuomintang，其中把“兴亡绝续“译为survival and development，与原意有出入。现将原句改译为It is a matter of survival or extinction for the Kuomintang。
(23)“与先人同在”的原译为be reunited with the forefathers，稍欠自然。现改译为be among
the forefather。
(24)“蒋氏两代对历史有所交代”的原译为this would be an answer of the two generations of the
Chiangs to history，由于逐字直译，未能达意。现改译为you will have fulfilled the task imposed on you and your father by history。
(25)“一切操之在己”的上一句为“决非命运安排”，故英译时按“由自己掌握命运”的意
思译为You yourself alone are master of your own fate。原译为Everything depends on yourself。
(26)“夜长梦多”中的“梦”为“恶梦”，比喻“不好的事”或“节外生枝”，故译为全句
为A long night invites bad dreams。原译为A long night is fraught with dreams。
(27)“善为抉择”的意思应为“作出明智的选择”，故译为will make a wise choice。
(28)“不禁神驰”译为my heart cannot help going out to…，其中to go out to是成语，作“在
感情上被……所吸引”（be emotionally drawn to）解。
(29)“伫候复音”的原译为I am waiting impatiently for a reply。现改译为I’m looking forward
to a reply from you。
附：新华社英译电讯稿
Dear brother Ching-Kuo,
No one ever expected that a trip of water should have become so vast a distance. It is
now 36 years since our brief rendezvous in Nanjing. From our childhood friendship to our
chats in the Soviet capital, everything in the past is still alive in my memory. But it’s
unfortunate that we haven’t heard from each other for so many years. Recently I was told
that you are somewhat indisposed and this has caused me much concern. Men in their
seventies are often afflicted with illness. I sincerely hope that you will take good care of
yourself.
Over the past three years, our party has repeatedly proposed talks with your party to
bury the hatchet and work jointly to accomplish the great cause of national reunification.
But you have time and again announced that there should be “no contact, no talks and no ▒▒網▒文▒檔▒下▒載▒與▒在▒線▒閱▒讀▒
compromise”, which I think is in advisable. Considering both the public interests and our
close friendship which has lasted for generations, I regard it as my duty to offer some
advice I hope you will consider carefully.
The peaceful reunification of the motherland would be a great achievement to be
recoded in history. Taiwan is bound to return to the embrace of the motherland eventually.
An early settlement would be in the interests of all. The compatriots in Taiwan would be
able to live in peace and happiness, the people of all nationalities on both sides of the
Taiwan straits would no longer have to endure the pains of separation from their kith and
kin, and the elders in Taiwan and those who have moved there from the mainland would
all be properly placed and provided for. And this would contribute to the stability of Asia
and the Pacific region as well as to the world peace. You used to spur yourself on with the
axiom: “The interests to be considered should be the interests of all; the fame to be sought
should be a fame that would last forever.” If the great cause of reunification would be
accomplished t